A decade ago, the countries of Southeast Europe were reeling from the impact of Europe's bloodiest war in half a century. With the determined intervention of NATO, genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia were brought to an end; a few years later in Kosovo, NATO again intervened to end ethnic cleansing in the region. Southeast Europe seemed to some a tangle of intractable inter-ethnic conflicts in which only massive international peacekeeping deployments could keep the warring parties apart. But the United States and its friends in the region looked to tell a different story: one that would require friends to make hard choices for the sake of a peaceful and prosperous future for their people.
Today's story is indeed different, in part thanks to the tremendous efforts of Albania, Croatia and Macedonia. The region's nascent democracies have largely normalized their relations. Peacekeeping contingents have downsized, and a return to war is unlikely. The region is not only increasingly stable, but it contributes to international coalitions that work to end conflicts elsewhere. Southeast Europe is on the path from being a consumer to a provider of security.
On February 13 in Washington, the United States hosted the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia to discuss recent accomplishments of these members of the Adriatic Charter, or "A3." Founded in May 2003, the A3 brings Albania, Croatia and Macedonia into a partnership with the United States to advance their individual and collective candidacies for NATO and other Euro-At1antic institutions. Serbia and Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina were present as observers. At the meeting, we reviewed A3 progress on their individual NATO Membership Action Plans, and sought ways to bring NATO membership closer. We also shared lessons learned from deployments in international coalitions. Finally, we recommitted ourselves to our cooperation as friends and, if reforms continue to meet necessary standards, full Allies in the greatest Alliance in history: NATO.
Not so long ago, such goals would have been impossible to imagine. The countries of the region have worked hard to gain this new status. With fresh memories of war and dictatorship, the A3 partners share a resolve to strengthen their democratic institutions, market economies and human rights, and to fight corruption and crime. The path to NATO and the European Union promotes a positive cycle of change: the more candidate countries do to pursue reforms required for membership, the more support they get for the accession process. Though difficult, the reforms are key to lasting peace and prosperity in the region.
Charter members have expanded their areas of cooperation. In 2005, for example, the A3 fielded a joint medical team to the international security mission in Afghanistan. Individual contributions
to out-of-area missions are equally impressive. Albania has combat troops in both Iraq and Afghanistan, and participates in EUFOR in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatian military police and medical doctors are serving in Afghanistan. Macedonian soldiers are side-by-side with international forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The progress over the last ten years has been remarkable. However, the A3 nations still face challenges similar to those confronting earlier aspirants to join NATO. They need stronger judiciaries to combat corruption and organized crime, and a legal framework to nurture free enterprise and encourage foreign investment. Where refugees have been displaced, they must be allowed to return and property claims resolved. Minority rights must be protected. Each country must carry its weight, investing in defense capabilities and contributing to Alliance missions in conflict zones.
Croatia's relationship with NATO is developing even more rapidly as a result of its government's success in delivering Gotovina to The Hague. We'd like to see the same thing happen with Serbia and Montenegro. Already, NATO is in the process of opening a Military Liaison Office in Belgrade, an encouraging development given the recent NATO intervention in Serbia during Milosevic's rule. Unfortunately, however, Serbia and Montengero will not be able to take the first major step toward integration into NATO - joining PFP - until the government takes necessary steps to ensure that accused war criminal Ratko Mladic joins Ante Gotovina in The Hague. The United States remains committed to seeing justice done and to helping Serbia realize a better future, one where all Serbs can move forward without progress held hostage to the defiance of a few war criminals and their few supporters.
The Alliance, too, is undergoing major reform. Soldiers should not prepare to win the last war's battles, and NATO is adjusting to new threats and challenges. This year's summit in Riga aims for significant internal change that will continue the transformational work of building an Alliance for the 21st century.
The United States is impressed by the Adriatic Charter's achievements. We salute your determination to build a future that bears no resemblance to your war-tom past. The United States firmly supports NATO's Open Door policy, and we will continue to help bring Albania, Croatia and Macedonia into NATO at the earliest possible date, as well as encourage the other countries of the region to fulfill conditions for NATO's Partnership for Peace. We remain steadfast in our commitment to peace and prosperity in the region. Our collaboration within the Adriatic Charter must do justice to the vision of three countries intent on securing a peaceful and prosperous future for their citizens. The United States stands with the peoples of all three countries, and the entire region, as we move together towards a better future.
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